Eamon de Valera

Labour returned to power in February 1974? What would be its approach to Ireland? Granted internment was eventually ended in December 1975 but it was replaced by what Clough (2014) describes as "judicial internment." For a start there was the introduction of juryless, conveyor belt like Diplock Courts where convictions were almost guaranteed. Between 1975 and 1979 between 93 and 96% of all cases appearing before the Diplock courts result in conviction. Of those convictions 70-90% depended wholly or mainly on confessions. Often these confessions were extracted following the use of torture. And under Roy Mason, Secretary of State for Northern Ireland from 1976 onwards torture became even more widespread. Indeed the notorious McGonigal judgment officially sanctioned torture. A "certain roughness of treatment of detainees" was acceptable it said. When prisoners were injured Mason described those injuries as "self-inflicted." Plus he denounced an ITV expose as "cheque book journalism." Eventually even Amnesty International got involved. Its report, released in May 1978, confirmed that mistreatment of suspects was widespread. Labour had also passed the notorious Prevention of Terrorism Act, sent in the SAS with permission to "shoot to kill", withdrawn Special Category Status and presided over the framing of those such as Judith Ward, the Guilford Four, the Birmingham Six and the Maguire Seven. Labour's term of office ended with a grubby offer to Loyalists of more seats in return for parliamentary support. No wonder Clough (2014) comments that in Ireland -and elsewhere- Labour has proved to be a "party fit for imperialism."

The rise in militancy in the early 70's was such that Labour -now in opposition- had to respond to the mood and turn left. Even Denis Healey would tell the 1973 Conference that his tax policies, once Labour was back in power, would "bring howls of anguish from the rich." And Wilson told the same gathering of plans for a National Enterprise Board (NEB) -extending public ownership- and for planning agreements between private industry and government. The 1974 Manifesto itself talked of a "fundamental and irreversible shift in the balance of power and wealth in favour of working people and their families." Michael Foot would even enthuse that it was the "finest socialist programme I have seen in my lifetime." But Wilson had in fact vetoed proposals to nationalise 20-25 major companies and excluded it from the Manifesto. He and a majority of the Cabinet neutered an Industry Bill and a White Paper radically cut the actual role of the NEB. It was to be a weak, ill-funded repository for lost causes and any planning agreements were to be voluntary (Marr 2007). What's more, after the October 1974 General Election (when Labour was re-elected with a small majority) and the 1975 Common Market Referendum (when the right campaigned with the Liberals and Tories) Wilson sought to gradually marginalise and humiliate the Left. It culminated in the demotion -following City pressure- of Tony Benn from Industry Minister to Energy Minister in June 1975. By this time Healey had embarked on a programme of public expenditure cuts and Tony Crosland -who had once said that spending would reform capitalism- was telling local authorities that "the party's over."